(continued from OP)
The second kind of group we need a bunch of is the centralized group: basically, building organizations ala Lee Staples’s recommendations in ROOTS TO POWER. The key, again, is to make these localized groups. Local people, local projects, local campaigns. Because local power is how you get bigger power. You may have some Righty local groups in your town already; look them up and see what’s available to you to join.
What are some examples of the kinds of groups of this sort you might create? Well, we’ve been seeing a lot of problems on college campuses lately, right? You can organize groups from like-minded people in your alumni network, and grow them, and use them to put pressure on your university — I’ll give you a very specific example of how to build something like that at the end. If you live near a campus, you can put a group of people together to offer support and help to student groups, so they can better put pressure on their university. There’s no reason Lefties should be the only ones doing mainstream hardcore like peacefully disrupting invited speakers (Righties doing it should chant “THIS IS WHAT YOU DO TO US,” making the payback aspect explicit, as well as making your demand obvious.)
You could start a locally-focused newspaper or blog. Local news is falling apart everywhere; good beat reporting is on the downslope. What’s your city council actually up to? What’s the stuff your newspaper isn’t printing? How does crime actually work in your town? One potential Righty press organization that would be easy to make and scale is something I’ve called “Asking for Comment.” You know how when one Republican in Ass End of Nowhere shits his pants and every Republican in the world is asked for comment? Make that bipartisan. Get when somebody screws up, get everybody who knows them on the record about it. Note who supports him. Then do a second order of calls to people who know the supporter, asking their opinion of the supporter’s opinion. Make people denounce or be tarred. All “Asking for Comment” needs is a website, a contact directory, a news archive subscription, and a telephone.
While we’re on the subject of publications, don’t forget lit drops and lit collection. Donate Righty books to your local library, including your local public school libraries — I’m not talking fire-eating polemics for the faithful, like Ann Coulter’s HOW TO COOK AND EAT LIBERALS, but on-ramp books. The kind of thing that get people interested in your ideas. Stamp the inside cover with lists of places to go for more information. Libertarians talk about the importance of charity, but they never stick a copy of THE INCREDIBLE BREAD MACHINE in the little free library at their local Y.
While we’re at it, Righties need more small publishing companies. A huge amount of interesting Righty political writing only happens online, which means that it’s inevitably lost in time. Blogs go away, links go dead. Small-run books on dead tree may be obscure, but they exist forever. Another thing Righty small publishers could be doing: homeschooling resources. Homeschooling is an essential Righty movement. Because at this point it’s an essential everyone movement. You know what parents doing homeschooling could really use? Free to cheap primers. We could use an updated set of McGuffey’s Readers for the 21st century from an organization with a good reputation. Paperback, cheaply bound, downloadable free or available for purchase cheaply.
Put together a local speaking circuit. Get local business owners to go to schools and tell their free enterprise success and failure stories. A good way to arrange guest lectures in schools is to make friends with teachers. If you have jobs or projects where students can get involved, so much the better.
You can organize within your profession. Lefties do this all the time. Ask around; find people who share your politics. You have professional skills that transfer to political pressure, within your workplace and outside it — look at California, where one of the most powerful groups on the ground politically is a nurses’ union. So use them.
At this point, it’s pretty clear that Augustus Invictus has failed at organizing the Based Lawyers Guild (for which Righties should probably be grateful). So Righty lawyers, that’s on you: if you’re in something like the Federalist Society already — or if you’re not — start mining local chapters for people who want to do stuff like be on hand for protests or to counter Lefty tactics. Lefties like ambulance-chasing lawyers; let’s see how they like lawyers who chase hard Lefty radicals and their abetters.
If you don’t know who in your profession might be on your side, use the same tool Lefties use to unperson people: political donations. Make or obtain a list of the companies that do what you do. Note their addresses. Cross-reference them against lists of campaign donations. Focus on people who live in your town; that way if you put people together you can get them together for regular meetings. Don’t just look at presidential runs in the general; if you’re putting together a group called “Immigration Pause Now,” you don’t want a Trump general donor who gave to Kasich, and if you’re putting together a group called “Libertarians Against Tariffs” you wouldn’t want to surf old records for a Bush general donor who gave to Buchanan.
Political donations aren’t a perfect predictor — not everybody donates, and some Righties will have done stuff like donating to Obama as part of ye olde Operation Chaos back when Obama was running against Clinton in 2008 — but that’ll give you a good list to work from. Once you have your leads, the Bernie Sanders campaign followed an approach to get volunteers for decentralized work:
Email 100 (if targeted) to 1000 (if randomly selected) people. Invite them to a conference call. Typically, 10-50 will sign on. If you give short notice for the conference call, you’re more likely to get people who are available on short notice — i.e., respondents who have a lot of free time.
On the conference call, explain the team’s purpose, what they’re doing, and the big picture.
At the end of the call, give people a task as a shit test to see who’s serious.
Invite everybody who did the task onto a second conference call. Choose a leader.
Give them a means to communicate with each other — a mailing list or Slack channel or something.
Since you’re concentrating on building a local group, invite everybody who did the shit test in step 4 to an organizational meeting and go on from there. I think it would be interesting to combine centralized and decentralized organizing techniques.
Organize within your interests, too. Everybody needs art. If you have art interests, start a group of Righty artists and musicians. Songs build community; the DSA is singing “the Internationale” and “Solidarity Forever” at their meetings, for pete’s sake. Write some great new Righty songs with catchy tunes and rousing choruses.
foodnotbombscoverFor people who like service to their communities, come up with something that has a service component. Lefty anarchists have been doing this for decades with Food Not Bombs, where they serve food to homeless people. Sounds modest, but they got organized for stuff like the Battle in Seattle doing stuff like this. Again, organization is practice.
If you’re interested in something that does food service, the Food Not Bombs book is extremely detailed and provides a step-by-step of how to start and run a Food Not Bombs-style group, which has been a gateway for massive numbers of Lefty activists: there have been over a thousand chapters involving over 50,000 people. For more reading on Food Not Bombs, with a focus on unflattering sausage-making and the challenges in herding politically radical cats, see Chris Crass’s , which has a hugely detailed chapter all about Food Not Bombs’s San Francisco chapter.
And of course you’re not limited to these ideas; there are tons of things that you could do.
But but infiltration and entryism and and and. Look, guys, we’re talking normie groups here. You’re not doing anything crazy or radical. You’re just being normies doing normal politics stuff, so it’s not like the hard Lefties will care; they have better things to do. And it’s not like you’re posting an ad on Craigslist and taking whatever randos show up. You’re picking people you already know. If you don’t have other Righties handy, don’t just post an ad online to see who answers; go out and talk to people. You’ve probably got a couple of punch-and-pie groups in your neighborhood. Drop by a few meetings, talk with people, and find out who’s sick of punch and pie. If you’re recruiting folks you encounter IRL, it’s much less likely that a random person you happen to meet will also be a Lefty entryist spy.
It is a lot of work, but it’s also doable. Honestly, the hardest thing about this stuff is that Righties haven’t been trained to understand how activism actually works.
Here’s a specific example how one person could make an organization and run a pressure campaign.
In the wake of the Milo riots, Scott Adams, of Dilbert and lately Trumpist fame, announced that he would stop contributing financially and in other ways to his the University of California, Berkeley, his alma mater. And he did. And that was the end of it. Because despite being a guy who thinks a lot about persuasion, and has spent a lot of writing time lately on the subject of persuasion, Adams missed out on a golden opportunity to persuade the University of California, Berkeley.
I think this is understandable: Adams’s experience of using persuasion comes from four fields: cartooning, writing, public speaking, and hypnotism (he’s a trained hypnotist). For Adams, persuasion and communication are things that he does to reach an audience, which for him in every case but public speaking is one person. And it’s done by one person: him. So that’s what persuasion looks like in his head. It’s a solo activity. But acting as an individual isn’t how you maximize persuasive power against Institutions.
Scott Adams is a rich and successful guy who went to the University of California, Berkeley. Does he know other rich and successful guys who went to the University of California, Berkeley? I bet he does. Are there any of them who disagree with Berkeley’s decision to enable violent radicals pushing students and the town around? I bet there are. Does Berkeley have a convenient alumni directory in hardcopy or accessible via web browser? Yeah.
Here’s how Scott Adams maximizes his power in this hypothetical: he makes a list of people he knows personally from Berkeley, people who donate money and time to the university, who he knows are unhappy about the Milo Riot. Then he calls them on the phone. They talk for a while, he makes it clear he’s putting together donors who want to do something to make the university act on this issue, gets their commitment, then goes to the next person on his list. He holds a meeting for his group of well-off UC Berkeley donors, ideally of a variety of ages (so their networks consist of different graduating cohorts). They discuss what they’re doing, what their demands will be, and then they go off and do another round or two of phone calls in their own personal networks. Another meeting or two, formalize demands, make sure everyone signs on. Literally make a written pledge, and have people sign it.
While they’re doing this, they keep a tally of how much money their members are worth and how much they have donated.
Then Scott Adams writes a letter to the President of University of California, Berkeley. “Hi,” he says, “this is Scott Adams — you know, the Dilbert guy. I’m writing to let you know that I’ve put together a signed petition from X number of donors, with a combined net worth of Y million dollars. In the past five years, our average donations were N dollars per year; last year’s total was Z dollars. For that money, we got to see you let a riot on campus that caused over a hundred thousand dollars in damages — of our money, as donors and taxpayers — and left innocent people unconscious in the street. We’re not going to stand for that. You’re used to meeting radicals’ demands? Well, you can meet ours. Unless our demands are met, we are prepared to start cancelling pledged donations, and send out press releases detailing exactly why we’re doing it.”
A few possible demands:
Statement from Berkeley, enforced by policy, committing to free speech.
Statement from Berkeley, enforced by policy, banning masks at protest on pain of arrest.
Statement from Berkeley, enforced by policy, that destruction of university property is grounds for expulsion.
Statement from Berkeley, enforced by policy, that all members of Berkeley’s violent communist cult By Any Means Necessary (BAMN) and associated groups (do research beforehand; name specific groups and individuals) are trespassed from campus, meaning they will be arrested if they set foot on it.
If the University President waffles, Adams’s group contacts the university trustees and informs them of what’s happening; they will put secondary pressure on the President (Adams’s group may choose to add the President’s resignation to stuff they want). He and his people also keep working phones, adding more and more people to the petition, so the number of people and potential financial harm to the university grows. If they still don’t agree, Adams’s group alerts the press, and bring in a deadline: if we do not receive a firm commitment by this date, we will cancel a hundred thousand dollars in pledges. i.e., “We can do at least as much financial damage to you as the radicals did. Would you like us to do more?”
A few rounds of this should cause some concession on the university’s part. Up the dollar values each time. Adams’s group would have decided in advance what a victory would look like.
That’s a pressure campaign. That’s what a post-politics world looks like. If you don’t want to live in one, I agree — but too bad; that’s what we’re getting.
So let’s go build it.
(post is archived)